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As Democrats gather in Chicago, their true challenge is not so different from that of the GOP

The United Center is decked out in preparations to host much of this week’s Democratic National Convention
Associated Press Photo

Last June, we had sharp words for Illinois Republicans with the departure of the state party’s chairman. Unity, we urged them a month ahead of the national party’s convention in Milwaukee, was a key to returning the party to relevancy, and a key to that unity lay in upholding centrist values that had once formed the backbone of the GOP.

While Republicans talked a lot about unity as the national convention came and went, there is plenty of room to debate whether the party truly pursued that aim or how seriously it moved toward the values of the middle that the true majority of Illinoisans, as well as Americans, share. But that is a question for another day. Today, our attention turns to Chicago, host of the Democratic Party’s National Convention beginning Monday, and we come with an appeal not so different from that of the early summer.

Remember the centrist positions where most Democrats in Illinois, and across the country, ally themselves.

During a May press conference previewing the DNC, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker called Chicago and Illinois “the best places to show what it means when we say, ‘Democrats deliver.’ ”

“Here in Illinois,” he said, “we protect workers rights, voting rights, civil rights. When the Dobbs decision (on abortion) came down, Illinois became a refuge for women across the Midwest seeking simply to exercise their reproductive rights.”

Those are important issues for Democrats, certainly, and, sensing they have a leg up on Republicans on the abortion issue, we suspect they will tout loudly and often the state’s and the national party’s liberal policy on abortion rights.

Yet, we would caution speakers to remember the appeal that even many abortion rights supporters find in former President Bill Clinton’s famous call that abortions be “safe, legal and rare.” How refreshing — and how powerful — it would be if we heard loudly this week not just what the party is doing to protect the accessibility of abortions but also what it is doing to diminish the need for them.

And, beyond that, we hope to hear not only what Democrats are doing to protect worker rights, but what they are advocating to ensure health and prosperity of businesses — in the suburbs and across the country. We long to hear not only how the United States is supporting embattled nations like Israel and Ukraine in war, but also what we can and will do to move these and other nations in turmoil toward peace. We would be excited if speakers described ways the party will collaborate with the opposition to achieve results that may not entirely delight both sides but will benefit everyone.

Just as the Republican Party has found itself riven by the influence of its most extreme elements, so Democrats face real long-term risks if they lean too heavily toward courting votes from extremist voices on the left. We share deep concerns with many Americans of both parties about another Trump presidency, but we also recognize that a hard Democratic Party tilt to the left would only make that prospect more likely. And more important, it also would not reflect the majority stance of the party or the nation, nor, in truth, advance the best interests of the nation economically, politically or socially.

Especially since the ascent of Kamala Harris, Democrats have built much of their campaign rhetoric around a theme of hope. It is a noble and important concept. But they have also elevated some other, less appealing rhetoric as well. If they are serious about reaching voters, they will spend more time this week describing why they offer prospects for hope than why individuals opposing their view are “weird.”

It’s in that distinction between terms where we, and much of the nation, will gauge the ultimate success of the convention.

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Publish date : 2024-08-17 07:00:00

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